Mr. Bennett does not yet consider India formally part of the Anglosphere but for the Anglosphere to dominate the 21st century, India must be cemented to the Sphere. Bennett writes, "In such a commonwealth (Anglosphere), should the Indian choose to engage it, It may well be that the Bangalore becomes a major center of the Anglosphere in thirty or fifty years time. Anglospherists do not fear this, knowing that just as London is still great today because it shares an Anglosphere with New York and Los Angeles, it and the American metropolises will be great tomorrow partly because they might share it with Bangalore."

Indian writer Gurcharan Das remembers attending Henry Kissinger's lectures at Harvard in the early 60's and listening to Kissinger point out that Nehru was a dreamer and "it is dangerous to put dreamers in power." Kissinger's own views on Nehru may have been misplaced and he admitted it in his most recent book on Diplomacy. Nehru was not an idealist and certainly not a pacifist like Gandhi. When force was needed, Nehru was prepared to use it. Three wars with Pakistan, including the liberation of Bangladesh from Pakistan in 1971, one war with China, and pushing the Portuguese out of Goa showed that India was not afraid of using military force. What Kissinger called a foreign policy of dreamers was a serious attempt to buy time for the new nation, residing as it does in a tough neighborhood. Kissinger's own opinion from his Harvard days changed when he stated that Nehru's policy, "during the Cold War was not so different from that of the United States in its formative decades." The difference is that in the United States formative years, there was an ocean between America and Europe. India, on the other hand, was located in a land populated by vipers and political rivals.

The United States, as the leader of NATO and the premier Western power, has inherited the traditional British interest in ensuring that no one single nation dominates the Eurasia landmass. India, also, has co-opted policy from its former English master. In 1934 Britain designed a plan to stabilize the Sino-India border and to dominate the Indian Ocean from Aden to Singapore. India's present naval building effort reflects those same objectives. Like the United States, India does not want to see an Islamic fundamentalist revolution sweep through the Middle East. As China grows in strength and challenges the United States in the Far East, China also threatens India at her northern borders.

A recent stumbling block that stood in the way of Indian-American relations was India's ownership of the bomb. Kissinger noted that India, "will not risk it's survival on exhortations coming from countries basing their own security on nuclear weapons." Kissinger concedes that India is acting rationally and that President Clinton's reaction to India's possession in 1998 and expansion of its nuclear capacities was "emotional." While Clinton would tell the Indians that they did not need nuclear weapons, India's own reaction was to ignore Clinton's appeal. As far as Indians were concerned, they were not under the American nuclear umbrella and were facing two nuclear rivals, Pakistan and China in their own backyard. Bush's Administration removed the various sanctions put in place in 1998 due to the events of September 11th.